Normally I do not read road crashes news on the newspaper. But that day finding no readable news I started to read a story on road accident. The story is as usual. The intro said at least six people were killed and 111 others injured in separate road accidents in Savar, Jhalkathi and Netrokona districts.
But the news that came from Jhalkathi said one person was killed and 16 others were injured when a bus plunged into a roadside ditch as its driver, who was talking over mobile phone, lost his control over the steering.
It is a normal accident story. But what struck me is the driver lost his control over the steering when he was talking over phone.
The passengers had to sacrifice their lives for this stupid driver.
I think strict law should be enacted so that they cannot talk over phone while driving and its implementation is necessary. And there should be awareness building programmes for the drivers too.
Thursday, June 5, 2008
People's Right to comfortable Journey
The other day I was coming university hall riding on a bus. I was listening to news using my mobile phone. I found a young man just sitting two sit away from me who was listening to music using his mobile phone without using any headphone. His mobile phone was making such a sound that though I was using a headphone I failed to concentrate to current news. One stage I politely asked him to lower the volume. He unwillingly lowered the volume. But that was not enough. Still the sound his set was emitting had been very disturbing for the fellow passengers. Everyone around him was looking at him but he did not care.
The young guy looked very smart and posh. Perhaps he is a student like me. But his behavior did not represent his class.
This was not the first time I have encountered such an incident. But the most unfortunate thing is whenever I had faced such incident I found that the concerned person as educated, mostly is student.
We can not expect this type of behavior from our future generation. I am not against using mobile phone or listening to music, news through mobile phone. Personally I would not have bothered if his behavior was not bothering me.
You may argue saying it is my right and I can listen to whatever I like. I agree and nobody will disagree. But by doing this are not you violating the passengers’ rights of a comfortable journey?
The young guy looked very smart and posh. Perhaps he is a student like me. But his behavior did not represent his class.
This was not the first time I have encountered such an incident. But the most unfortunate thing is whenever I had faced such incident I found that the concerned person as educated, mostly is student.
We can not expect this type of behavior from our future generation. I am not against using mobile phone or listening to music, news through mobile phone. Personally I would not have bothered if his behavior was not bothering me.
You may argue saying it is my right and I can listen to whatever I like. I agree and nobody will disagree. But by doing this are not you violating the passengers’ rights of a comfortable journey?
Towards a pro-poor health system in Bangladesh
Towards a pro-poor health system in Bangladesh
Syed Masud Ahmed
In the words of Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, health, like education, is among the basic necessities that gives value to human life. Better health translates into greater and more equitably distributed wealth by building human and social capital and increasing productivity.
However, it has been found that the cost of healthcare itself can be a cause of poverty in low-income countries through loss of income, astronomical health expenditures, and potentially irreversible crisis coping mechanisms that involve asset and savings depletion.
Studies have shown that, of all the risks that poor households are facing, health risks probably pose the greatest threat to their lives and livelihoods. Unfortunately, health systems are frequently ineffective in reaching the poor, generate less benefit for the poor than the rich, and impose repressive cost burdens on poor households.
The consistently inequitable nature of health systems limits the access to healthcare by the poor who need it the most. Concern was raised recently about attaining the health related Millenium Development Goals (reduce child mortality, improve maternal health, combat HIV/Aids, malaria and other diseases) in low-income countries without improving the ability of health systems to reach the poor effectively.
Society in Bangladesh is characterised by substantial socio-economic differences in health status, health-care access and utilisation and health benefits gained from public and private health expenditures, all disfavouring the poor. The economic consequences of ill health for the poor households, especially the bottom 15-20% are also well documented in Bangladesh.
Cost burdens of healthcare may deter or delay healthcare utilisation or promote use of less effective healthcare sources or practices, particularly by the poor. In the absence of any risk-pooling mechanisms and pre-payments, expenditure on health is mainly met by out-of-pocket payment by the households (> 60%). This mode of payment for health-expenditure is the most repressive one and exposes people, especially the poor and disadvantaged, to great financial risk and makes the health system inequitable.
It has been found that the poor and disadvantaged households with only a few assets are likely to struggle to meet even small extra-budgetary expenses Thus, improving the ability of the health system to reach the poor/disadvantaged populations (groups with diminished capacity to take advantage of opportunities for better health and who are often denied those opportunities, whether due to internal or external factors) is essential to mitigate the income-erosion effect of ill-health and poverty alleviation in Bangladesh.
To maximise this poverty-alleviation effect, health institutions need to be designed according to the needs and priorities of the poor and the disadvantaged. Such a health system allowing access to the poor irrespective of their ability or willingness to pay, and responsive to their needs and priorities is called a "pro-poor" health system. Knowledge and understanding of the existing health-seeking behaviour including its differentials and determinants are required for this to happen.
Recent studies on health-seeking behaviour of the poor and some selected disadvantaged populations (e.g., the women, elderly, ethnic minorities, poor/ultra-poor) have found self-care to be the predominant therapeutic activity (around 30-40%) undertaken by them for managing illness. It is defined as any treatment used without a physician's prescription or direct recommendation by a healthcare professional. Self-care involves risks such as incorrect diagnosis, absence of knowledge of alternative treatments, irrational use of drugs and neglect of side effects and drug interactions.
This is especially important in a population with low literacy level like Bangladesh where self-care is largely uninformed, and there is free availability of "prescription only drugs" in the unlicensed and unregulated drug retail outlets. Enhancement of the people's scope for receiving safe and informed self-care along with the ability to assess services available locally, and evaluation of the costs, are needed. Self-care is regarded by WHO as "a primary public health resource in the health care system." To use this resource to its full potential its integration as an essential, informed and efficient component of the primary health care and as a cost-effective complement to the formal healthcare, is long overdue in Bangladesh.
Self-care is followed by treatment-seeking from unqualified providers (in around 20% of cases) in these studies. By far the single largest group among them is the "unqualified allopaths" who are the sales people in drug retail outlets or drug vendors, with little or no professional training in either the dispensing of drugs or in diagnoses and treatment. Studies from Vietnam, Laos and Nepal found that education and training efforts are necessary but not sufficient to change the practice of irrational and harmful use of drugs by these providers.. In addition, managerial and regulatory interventions are also needed.
The studies also noted a decrease in the use of traditional practitioners (faith healers, kabiraj/totka, and homeopathic) over time in Bangladesh. To avoid losing patients, many of the traditional practitioners also use allopathic medicine to supplement their treatment. Treatment-seeking from MBBS doctors varied from around 10 to 20% only in these studies of health-seeking behaviour.
What is interesting is the fact that a cadre of semi-qualified para-professionals (medical assistants, mid-wives, village doctors, community health workers or CHWs) emerged as the main provider of formal allopathic care to the disadvantaged groups in more than 25% of the cases. CHWs, trained in preventive and basic curative services by the government as well as the NGOs, working at grassroots level are the largest group among these para-professionals.
This cadre of health workers has been increasing in size since the 90s with the expansion of the primary health care infrastructure (government and NGO) in the country. They serve as a bridge between the community and the formal health providers, especially for the disadvantaged populations. Currently, the first-level health facilities at union level (Union Health and Family Welfare Centre) are staffed by the medical assistants and midwives, who are a higher-level cadre of para-professionals than the CHWs. The village doctors (palli chikitshaks) have received some semi-formal training from private institutions, including those trained through a short-lived government sponsored program that ended in 1982. Given the varying degrees of training and expertise of these para-professionals, the quality of care remains a concern.
The overall health service consumption (from any source) in Bangladesh is low compared to other developing countries. Also, the number of qualified physicians and nurses in Bangladesh is quite low, compared to other low-income countries. For example, in 1998 Bangladesh had 19 physicians and 11 nurses per 100,000 population compared to 73 and 132 respectively for low-income countries, and 286 and 750 respectively for high income countries. Around 26% of professional posts in rural areas remain vacant and there is high rate of absenteeism (about 40%), particularly among medical doctors in rural areas. Both shortage of trained manpower coupled with "brain drain," and lack of required investment in health sector are responsible for this.
A recent survey evaluating the performance of the latest Health and Population Sector Programme (1998-2003) noted that it could not fulfil the stated objective of delivering a pro-poor service catering to the needs of the poor. In this context, the importance of para-professionals for healthcare in the rural areas of Bangladesh should be recognised, and their capacity developed to ensure that the poor and the disadvantaged get an acceptable level of care. Empirical evidence shows that human resources for health is important for population health outcomes and presumed to be one of the limiting factors in achieving the MDGs.
The dominant role of a household's socio-economic level in shaping health-seeking behaviour of the disadvantaged groups supports the conviction that improving health is contingent upon reducing poverty. Reducing poverty through specific targeting of the disadvantaged groups with a pro-poor health system in a country with large out-of-pocket payments for healthcare is possible, and is urgently needed in Bangladesh. The above scenario should be kept in perspective while designing such a health care system for Bangladesh.
Syed Masud Ahmed is Research Coordinator, BRAC Research and Evaluation Division. His PhD thesis was on: "Exploring health-seeking behaviour of disadvantaged populations in rural Bangladesh."
Syed Masud Ahmed
In the words of Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, health, like education, is among the basic necessities that gives value to human life. Better health translates into greater and more equitably distributed wealth by building human and social capital and increasing productivity.
However, it has been found that the cost of healthcare itself can be a cause of poverty in low-income countries through loss of income, astronomical health expenditures, and potentially irreversible crisis coping mechanisms that involve asset and savings depletion.
Studies have shown that, of all the risks that poor households are facing, health risks probably pose the greatest threat to their lives and livelihoods. Unfortunately, health systems are frequently ineffective in reaching the poor, generate less benefit for the poor than the rich, and impose repressive cost burdens on poor households.
The consistently inequitable nature of health systems limits the access to healthcare by the poor who need it the most. Concern was raised recently about attaining the health related Millenium Development Goals (reduce child mortality, improve maternal health, combat HIV/Aids, malaria and other diseases) in low-income countries without improving the ability of health systems to reach the poor effectively.
Society in Bangladesh is characterised by substantial socio-economic differences in health status, health-care access and utilisation and health benefits gained from public and private health expenditures, all disfavouring the poor. The economic consequences of ill health for the poor households, especially the bottom 15-20% are also well documented in Bangladesh.
Cost burdens of healthcare may deter or delay healthcare utilisation or promote use of less effective healthcare sources or practices, particularly by the poor. In the absence of any risk-pooling mechanisms and pre-payments, expenditure on health is mainly met by out-of-pocket payment by the households (> 60%). This mode of payment for health-expenditure is the most repressive one and exposes people, especially the poor and disadvantaged, to great financial risk and makes the health system inequitable.
It has been found that the poor and disadvantaged households with only a few assets are likely to struggle to meet even small extra-budgetary expenses Thus, improving the ability of the health system to reach the poor/disadvantaged populations (groups with diminished capacity to take advantage of opportunities for better health and who are often denied those opportunities, whether due to internal or external factors) is essential to mitigate the income-erosion effect of ill-health and poverty alleviation in Bangladesh.
To maximise this poverty-alleviation effect, health institutions need to be designed according to the needs and priorities of the poor and the disadvantaged. Such a health system allowing access to the poor irrespective of their ability or willingness to pay, and responsive to their needs and priorities is called a "pro-poor" health system. Knowledge and understanding of the existing health-seeking behaviour including its differentials and determinants are required for this to happen.
Recent studies on health-seeking behaviour of the poor and some selected disadvantaged populations (e.g., the women, elderly, ethnic minorities, poor/ultra-poor) have found self-care to be the predominant therapeutic activity (around 30-40%) undertaken by them for managing illness. It is defined as any treatment used without a physician's prescription or direct recommendation by a healthcare professional. Self-care involves risks such as incorrect diagnosis, absence of knowledge of alternative treatments, irrational use of drugs and neglect of side effects and drug interactions.
This is especially important in a population with low literacy level like Bangladesh where self-care is largely uninformed, and there is free availability of "prescription only drugs" in the unlicensed and unregulated drug retail outlets. Enhancement of the people's scope for receiving safe and informed self-care along with the ability to assess services available locally, and evaluation of the costs, are needed. Self-care is regarded by WHO as "a primary public health resource in the health care system." To use this resource to its full potential its integration as an essential, informed and efficient component of the primary health care and as a cost-effective complement to the formal healthcare, is long overdue in Bangladesh.
Self-care is followed by treatment-seeking from unqualified providers (in around 20% of cases) in these studies. By far the single largest group among them is the "unqualified allopaths" who are the sales people in drug retail outlets or drug vendors, with little or no professional training in either the dispensing of drugs or in diagnoses and treatment. Studies from Vietnam, Laos and Nepal found that education and training efforts are necessary but not sufficient to change the practice of irrational and harmful use of drugs by these providers.. In addition, managerial and regulatory interventions are also needed.
The studies also noted a decrease in the use of traditional practitioners (faith healers, kabiraj/totka, and homeopathic) over time in Bangladesh. To avoid losing patients, many of the traditional practitioners also use allopathic medicine to supplement their treatment. Treatment-seeking from MBBS doctors varied from around 10 to 20% only in these studies of health-seeking behaviour.
What is interesting is the fact that a cadre of semi-qualified para-professionals (medical assistants, mid-wives, village doctors, community health workers or CHWs) emerged as the main provider of formal allopathic care to the disadvantaged groups in more than 25% of the cases. CHWs, trained in preventive and basic curative services by the government as well as the NGOs, working at grassroots level are the largest group among these para-professionals.
This cadre of health workers has been increasing in size since the 90s with the expansion of the primary health care infrastructure (government and NGO) in the country. They serve as a bridge between the community and the formal health providers, especially for the disadvantaged populations. Currently, the first-level health facilities at union level (Union Health and Family Welfare Centre) are staffed by the medical assistants and midwives, who are a higher-level cadre of para-professionals than the CHWs. The village doctors (palli chikitshaks) have received some semi-formal training from private institutions, including those trained through a short-lived government sponsored program that ended in 1982. Given the varying degrees of training and expertise of these para-professionals, the quality of care remains a concern.
The overall health service consumption (from any source) in Bangladesh is low compared to other developing countries. Also, the number of qualified physicians and nurses in Bangladesh is quite low, compared to other low-income countries. For example, in 1998 Bangladesh had 19 physicians and 11 nurses per 100,000 population compared to 73 and 132 respectively for low-income countries, and 286 and 750 respectively for high income countries. Around 26% of professional posts in rural areas remain vacant and there is high rate of absenteeism (about 40%), particularly among medical doctors in rural areas. Both shortage of trained manpower coupled with "brain drain," and lack of required investment in health sector are responsible for this.
A recent survey evaluating the performance of the latest Health and Population Sector Programme (1998-2003) noted that it could not fulfil the stated objective of delivering a pro-poor service catering to the needs of the poor. In this context, the importance of para-professionals for healthcare in the rural areas of Bangladesh should be recognised, and their capacity developed to ensure that the poor and the disadvantaged get an acceptable level of care. Empirical evidence shows that human resources for health is important for population health outcomes and presumed to be one of the limiting factors in achieving the MDGs.
The dominant role of a household's socio-economic level in shaping health-seeking behaviour of the disadvantaged groups supports the conviction that improving health is contingent upon reducing poverty. Reducing poverty through specific targeting of the disadvantaged groups with a pro-poor health system in a country with large out-of-pocket payments for healthcare is possible, and is urgently needed in Bangladesh. The above scenario should be kept in perspective while designing such a health care system for Bangladesh.
Syed Masud Ahmed is Research Coordinator, BRAC Research and Evaluation Division. His PhD thesis was on: "Exploring health-seeking behaviour of disadvantaged populations in rural Bangladesh."
Madrasas mushroom with state favour
Madrasas mushroom with state favour
22.22pc growth of madrasas against 9.74pc of general educational institutions during 2001-05
Rejaul Karim Byron and Shameem Mahmud
Madrasa education has received more state favour than general education in the last four years, leading to the significant growth of madrasas in Bangladesh.
The number of general educational institutions, which receive government funds, has increased 9.74 percent against a 22.22 percent growth of madrasas from 2001 to 2005, Bangladesh Economic Review statistics show.
The growth of madrasas got such a boost especially after the BNP-led coalition involving Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Oikya Jote and Bangladesh Jatiya Party came to power in 2001.
The picture was different during the 1996-2001 rule of Awami League (AL). In the first four years of the AL rule, the number of general educational institutions rose by 28 percent while that of madrasas by 17 percent.
The number of madrasa teachers saw a significant rise in the last four years, compared to those in the general education. Teachers in the schools and colleges marked a 12.27 percent increase against 16.52 percent in the madrasas between 2001 and 2005.
The number of students in general educational institutions rose 8.64 percent while the madrasas saw a 10.12 percent rise in enrolment during this period. But the number of students increased sharply during the AL period.
Experts believe madrasas have negligible contributions in creating skilled human resources in the country, still they received on average 11.5 percent of the total education budget in the last few years.
Apart from about 9,000 government-registered madrasas, there are numerous other institutions across the country offering religious education without registration.
The national databank on education compiled by Bangladesh Bureau of Education Information and Statistics (BANBEIS) does not have information about these madrasas.
Madrasa Education Board controls the Ebtedayee madrasas, but Qawmi madrasas are totally out of government control, said Professor Iqbal Aziz Muttaki of the Institute of Education and Research at Dhaka University.
The Qawmi madrasas have their own curriculum. Abdul Jabbar, secretary general of Bangladesh Qawmi Madrasa Education Board, a private board of these madrasas, told The Daily Star that they have a list of about 15,000 Qawmi madrasas. Jabbar, however, said there are many such madrasas which are not enlisted with the board.
Moreover, Education Minister Osman Farruk told parliament recently that the government is considering giving Fazil and Kamil degrees of madrasas the status equivalent to graduation and master's degrees of general education.
Asked, the minister ruled out any extra favour to madrasa education. "It is not true that the government is promoting madrasa education ignoring the mainstream education."
"Percentage does not always reflect the real situation," Farruk said. He, however, assured that he will examine whether the general educational institutions are not being given due importance.
The education minister, who is not happy with the existing quality of madrasa graduates, said, "It needs modernisation. I feel the madrasa students should learn the same core subjects that the general educational institutions teach up to the higher secondary level."
About the government move to give the Fazil and Kamil degrees equal status of graduation and master's degree of the general education, the minister said, "It is under process."
"We are not upgrading the Fazil and Kamil degrees, rather we will recommend what is needed to make the degrees equivalent to graduation and master's degree," he said.
Opposing the government move, Prof Muttaki said: "Educational institutions are for creating human resources, but the madrasas have failed to do it."
"Contribution of madrasa graduates at the national level is negligible despite some recent moves to update the course curricula of madrasas," he observed.
"Most of the madrasa graduates usually become imams at mosques and a few of them receive general education from universities and colleges," he said.
The researcher said madrasa education seems to be a sensitive issue for all governments who always face a dilemma in taking any drastic step to modernise the madrasa education system or merge it with the mainstream education.
In the last four years, as many as 1,720 general educational institutions (schools and colleges up to the higher secondary level) were set up, raising the total to 19,370.
On the other hand, a total of 1,618 new madrasas were established during the period. The number of madrasas across the country is now 8,897.
The number of teachers in the general education has grown by 25,882 pushing the total to 2,36,813, while that in madrasas has increased by 18,167, taking the total to 1,28,084.
The number of students in schools and colleges rose to 89,28,227 with an increase of 7,10,531 in the last four years. On the other hand, the number of madrasa students rose by 3,30,899 during the period to stand at 35,97,453.
During 1996-2000, the number of general educational institutions rose by 3,694 to reach 16,882 while that of madrasas reached 7,122 with an increase of 1,022 institutions.
The number of teachers in the general education during the AL regime grew by 30,911 pushing the total to 1,98,521, while in madrasas, the number of teachers increased by 10,967, taking the total to 98,089.
The number of students in general educational institutions rose by 19,54,316 to stand at 77,97,163 while in madrasas the number of students increased to 29,59,867 with an addition of 10,84,950 during 1996-2000.
Growth: madrasas vs general educational institutions
1996-2000 2001-2005
Institutions General 28%, Madrasa 17% General 10%, Madrasa 22%
Teachers General 16%, Madrasa 13% General 12%, Madrasa 17%
Students General 33%, Madrasa 58% General 9%, Madrasa 10%
Source: Bangladesh Economic Review
Star Graphics
22.22pc growth of madrasas against 9.74pc of general educational institutions during 2001-05
Rejaul Karim Byron and Shameem Mahmud
Madrasa education has received more state favour than general education in the last four years, leading to the significant growth of madrasas in Bangladesh.
The number of general educational institutions, which receive government funds, has increased 9.74 percent against a 22.22 percent growth of madrasas from 2001 to 2005, Bangladesh Economic Review statistics show.
The growth of madrasas got such a boost especially after the BNP-led coalition involving Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Oikya Jote and Bangladesh Jatiya Party came to power in 2001.
The picture was different during the 1996-2001 rule of Awami League (AL). In the first four years of the AL rule, the number of general educational institutions rose by 28 percent while that of madrasas by 17 percent.
The number of madrasa teachers saw a significant rise in the last four years, compared to those in the general education. Teachers in the schools and colleges marked a 12.27 percent increase against 16.52 percent in the madrasas between 2001 and 2005.
The number of students in general educational institutions rose 8.64 percent while the madrasas saw a 10.12 percent rise in enrolment during this period. But the number of students increased sharply during the AL period.
Experts believe madrasas have negligible contributions in creating skilled human resources in the country, still they received on average 11.5 percent of the total education budget in the last few years.
Apart from about 9,000 government-registered madrasas, there are numerous other institutions across the country offering religious education without registration.
The national databank on education compiled by Bangladesh Bureau of Education Information and Statistics (BANBEIS) does not have information about these madrasas.
Madrasa Education Board controls the Ebtedayee madrasas, but Qawmi madrasas are totally out of government control, said Professor Iqbal Aziz Muttaki of the Institute of Education and Research at Dhaka University.
The Qawmi madrasas have their own curriculum. Abdul Jabbar, secretary general of Bangladesh Qawmi Madrasa Education Board, a private board of these madrasas, told The Daily Star that they have a list of about 15,000 Qawmi madrasas. Jabbar, however, said there are many such madrasas which are not enlisted with the board.
Moreover, Education Minister Osman Farruk told parliament recently that the government is considering giving Fazil and Kamil degrees of madrasas the status equivalent to graduation and master's degrees of general education.
Asked, the minister ruled out any extra favour to madrasa education. "It is not true that the government is promoting madrasa education ignoring the mainstream education."
"Percentage does not always reflect the real situation," Farruk said. He, however, assured that he will examine whether the general educational institutions are not being given due importance.
The education minister, who is not happy with the existing quality of madrasa graduates, said, "It needs modernisation. I feel the madrasa students should learn the same core subjects that the general educational institutions teach up to the higher secondary level."
About the government move to give the Fazil and Kamil degrees equal status of graduation and master's degree of the general education, the minister said, "It is under process."
"We are not upgrading the Fazil and Kamil degrees, rather we will recommend what is needed to make the degrees equivalent to graduation and master's degree," he said.
Opposing the government move, Prof Muttaki said: "Educational institutions are for creating human resources, but the madrasas have failed to do it."
"Contribution of madrasa graduates at the national level is negligible despite some recent moves to update the course curricula of madrasas," he observed.
"Most of the madrasa graduates usually become imams at mosques and a few of them receive general education from universities and colleges," he said.
The researcher said madrasa education seems to be a sensitive issue for all governments who always face a dilemma in taking any drastic step to modernise the madrasa education system or merge it with the mainstream education.
In the last four years, as many as 1,720 general educational institutions (schools and colleges up to the higher secondary level) were set up, raising the total to 19,370.
On the other hand, a total of 1,618 new madrasas were established during the period. The number of madrasas across the country is now 8,897.
The number of teachers in the general education has grown by 25,882 pushing the total to 2,36,813, while that in madrasas has increased by 18,167, taking the total to 1,28,084.
The number of students in schools and colleges rose to 89,28,227 with an increase of 7,10,531 in the last four years. On the other hand, the number of madrasa students rose by 3,30,899 during the period to stand at 35,97,453.
During 1996-2000, the number of general educational institutions rose by 3,694 to reach 16,882 while that of madrasas reached 7,122 with an increase of 1,022 institutions.
The number of teachers in the general education during the AL regime grew by 30,911 pushing the total to 1,98,521, while in madrasas, the number of teachers increased by 10,967, taking the total to 98,089.
The number of students in general educational institutions rose by 19,54,316 to stand at 77,97,163 while in madrasas the number of students increased to 29,59,867 with an addition of 10,84,950 during 1996-2000.
Growth: madrasas vs general educational institutions
1996-2000 2001-2005
Institutions General 28%, Madrasa 17% General 10%, Madrasa 22%
Teachers General 16%, Madrasa 13% General 12%, Madrasa 17%
Students General 33%, Madrasa 58% General 9%, Madrasa 10%
Source: Bangladesh Economic Review
Star Graphics
Legal education
Legal education has its distinct niche in the entire education system. It is the force behind all sorts of administration of justice in a country. But it is true that the existing legal education system in Bangladesh is not adequate to produce quality students with profound knowledge in jurisprudence and thus become good lawyers in the long run. Some studies show that roughly about 1000 law students pass out from various law institutes every year who are eligible to do practice in any of the courts in Bangladesh.
Legal Education
Legal education has its distinct niche in the entire education system. It is the force behind all sorts of administration of justice in a country. But it is true that the existing legal education system in Bangladesh is not adequate to produce quality students with profound knowledge in jurisprudence and thus become good lawyers in the long run. Some studies show that roughly about 1000 law students pass out from various law institutes every year who are eligible to do practice in any of the courts in Bangladesh.
No expectation
Hi,
What can you expect from a man like me? Nothing! Don't expect anything from me. I am going not to give you anything. I will just take things away from you. So be very careful when you people come close to me.
What can you expect from a man like me? Nothing! Don't expect anything from me. I am going not to give you anything. I will just take things away from you. So be very careful when you people come close to me.
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